Saturday, March 22, 2008

Decades of Darkness #178: The One Regret Of My Life

“Bravery is being the only one who knows you’re afraid.”
- Attributed to Clement Churchill

* * *

RFS Utrecht
8 February 1932
Buenos Aires, Argentina

Admiral Erwin Gercke was not a happy man. As the commander of the South Atlantic Squadron of the Krijgmarine, his ships had been far out at sea when the war broke out. He had not been back to German soil ever since. Over two years in exile from his wife Erika, whom he missed more than life itself. Over two years to rage at the stupidity of the naval high command. They had known the war was coming; why didn’t they prepare better for it?

It would not have taken all that much effort. With a few weeks warning, or maybe even a few days, they would have lost far fewer of German’s merchant ships interned or captured by the Bouclier. Gercke had done what he could, and had amassed a large collection of German- and Polish-flagged merchant vessels in South American waters, first in Brazil and more recently here in Argentina. He had been joined by those merchant vessels which had sheltered in Germany’s other colonies until those fell one by one. Under his command now, he had his own squadrons, a few additional cruisers who had been raiding the sea lanes and driven here, and the remnants of the Indian Ocean and Far Eastern Fleets. Under his protection, he had a much larger collection of merchant vessels and unruly civilian sailors. He wanted to get all of these ships to somewhere useful, but he had never been in a position to do so.

Until today, when he had received a set of orders which made him speculate aloud about the anatomically improbable place where the naval high command had placed their heads. The orders had given him fresh congratulations on his accomplishments in gathering so much of Germany’s shipping into a safe harbour... and given him instructions on what to do with them.

“Which buffoon back in Rotterdam came up with this stroke of genius?” he muttered. He had been given four days to evacuate all German and allied ships from Buenos Aires, both military and civilian. Four days to prepare for a voyage back to Germany. And more specifically to a Baltic port, or failing that Hamburg.

Oh, there were dangers staying here, to be sure. The Argentines had been jittery ever since Germany signed a ceasefire with the United States. They had remained cool despite repeated assurances that Argentina would not be abandoned by Germany in any peace treaty. Now he had been told, belatedly, that peace would happen in four days. America would recognise Argentine independence, at the price of the Falklands and Tierra del Fuego. Maybe the Argentines would accept that deal, but his orders stated that he was to be out of Argentine waters before the peace treaty was publicly announced. And make it home to Germany afterward.

“Some more notice would have been nice,” he muttered. He sent for Konteradmiral Kindler, commander of the Utrecht, and a man who had always been handy for bouncing ideas off.

While Gercke waited, another even more ominous thought occurred to him. These orders were nonsensical in most circumstances, but it was particularly strange that he had been ordered to attempt the dangerous route around England. Why not cross to conquered Morocco and transit the Straits into the Mediterranean? That was now reportedly a German lake, at least at the western end. If he was being sent on such a long voyage around England, that could only mean that his ships were needed in the North Sea. The rumours must be true; the planned invasion of England was going ahead.

“Ah, come in, Jörg,” he said, motioning Kindler to a chair. “Think we can get every warship and merchant vessel ready to leave Buenos Aires in four days?”

“Why ever for, sir?” Kindler asked.

“Peace is coming with the Jackals. We need to be out of here, and pick a route which avoids any trouble.”

“I see.” Kindler paused for thought, then said, “There’s no safe route. If the Brazilians don’t attack us for selling them out, the British and Yankees will. Not to mention that it’s a damnably long way to anywhere safe.”

“We’re meant to make it to the Baltic. Arrangements have been made so that we can refuel in the Azores or Morocco if we choose, although we can’t linger there.”

“Great help that is,” Kindler said. “The Allies will be looking for us. Even assuming that they aren’t reading our codes – and you already know what I think about that – it’ll be impossible to miss the fact that all of our ships are gone from Buenos Aires.”

“They certainly didn’t intercept this set of orders. They were delivered by sea wolf,” Gercke said. “Hmm. Perhaps we could refuel at Recife. If the Americans are at peace with us, they should permit it.”

“I doubt it, sir,” Kindler said. Gercke raised an eyebrow, and the other man continued, “Guess you haven’t heard the news. Blundell’s done it again. He seized four American merchantmen, and scuttled them in the harbour at Rio. It’ll be weeks before the Americans get any use out of their newly-captured port. They’ll certainly be too suspicious to let us go anywhere near a port they control.”

“And they occupy too many Brazilian ports, even if their control isn’t all that firm,” Gercke said. He smiled. “Blundell again. I wish that man well.” Despite the inconvenience which Blundell’s actions had caused, he still could not make himself dislike that man, even for a moment. This was the man who had captured the heir to the Brazilian throne. The man who had stolen an American ship full of Chilean nitrates and brought it close enough to destroy one of their artificial harbours when the ship exploded. The man who had finally killed General Yarwood. And now this, another strand to the legend. In his own way, Blundell was becoming as famous a Yankee as the Black Fox.

“We still have to work out how we’re going to move,” Kindler said.

Gercke thought for a few moments, then said, “Put the fear of God into everyone ashore, and get our ships moving. Anyone who isn’t ready in four days gets left behind. Probably best to travel in a combined fleet as far as the Azores. We will need to refuel there; no point going to Morocco.”

“It’ll be damnably slow in a convoy with the slowest ship,” Kindler said.

“Indeed, but we’ve got no choice. Strict funk silence at all times, I think. After the Azores, we should split into, hmm, four squadrons, and take different routes. Make it harder for the Yankees to get lucky.”

“Sounds workable as a basic plan, but there’s a lot of details still to cover,” Kindler said.

They summoned their staff, and got to work on the many details. Gercke still had many reservations, but he didn’t have much choice. The German fleet sailed out of the Rio de la Plata four days later, and began a slow journey to the Azores. They divided there, and thanks to the strict funk silence, they did not communicate much with each other after that. But later than he expected, Gercke brought the Utrecht and a large convoy of other vessels into Hamburg. Only there did he find that two of the other convoys had made it home, but one convoy was caught by a Yankee carrier and most of the ships had been sunk far from shore...

* * *

16 April 1932
Amsterdam, German Holy Roman Empire

“Welcome to the Office of Information,” the receptionist said. “Please take a seat; Herr Fagel will be ready in a moment.”

A moment which could stretch to an hour, for all Gercke knew. He had never had dealings with Fagel before, but he had heard that the man was a bureaucrat through and through, and quite focused on matters of status. Although that had not matched with his correspondence with the man. Fagel had given no job title, no indications of his authority, nothing. But then, what else could be expected from a senior spy?

The moment turned out to be about ten minutes, and Gercke spent the intervening time reading through his briefing papers. He needed to have his facts in order before this meeting. Although Gercke could not yet decide if he would rather be right than wrong. Having Fagel convince him that he was mistaken would be a relief, even if it would reflect badly on his judgement. And being right could lead to many headaches.

When Gercke was ushered in to meet Herr Fagel, he found a man entirely unremarkable. Fagel had medium build, medium height, offered a handshake which was neither too soft nor too firm, had medium-length hair on his head, and no facial hair. He had, in fact, no distinguishing features worthy of mention. Gercke suspected that five minutes after leaving this office, he would be hard-pressed to recall what Fagel looked like.

“Your letter mentioned that you had important news, Admiral,” Fagel said. His voice was similarly undistinguished, with a monotonic delivery that gave no hint of his feelings about any subject.

“Yes. Based on what I and my colleagues have seen, I believe that the Yankees can read our codes. Our naval codes, at least, and probably others. Our encryption is based on similar principles for all services, isn’t it?”

Fagel gave a half-shrug. “What leads you to this belief?”

“The Yankees were just too damned good at knowing where our ships were moving. They’d appear where they had no right to be. They had to be reading codes, since they were too accurate to just be direction-finding funk waves. They even appeared at times when we had funk silence.”

Fagel said, “How can you be sure that they don’t have sources within your navy? Although it is not my area of responsibility, I am sure that we have sources within their navy.”

“They’d need a network of people everywhere to find this out,” Gercke said. “I have trouble believing it.”

Fagel said, “I have it on good authority that our codes would be extremely difficult to read. Still, I have heard a few indicators which suggest the possibility. We had one American defector a few months ago who swore that the New Englanders or British could read some of our army codes. One of our Greek colleagues say that his contacts amongst the New Englanders have dropped enough hints that he is sure that they are reading codes. And we’ve had a few other indicators which I will not mention here. But we have nothing concrete. All of these could be disinformation. If the Bouclier cannot crack our codes, why not encourage us to go to the trouble of changing them, especially to something which they might be able to read?”

“There might be ways around that,” Gercke said. “Create an operation where sources on the ground are told one story, but where the funk messages show another. That would be a strong indicator.”

“It is worth exploring, perhaps,” Fagel said. “Do you have any more specific ideas?”

“Something involving the invasion fleet. Why not create decoys in a port which we are not actually using? Rotterdam, say. If everyone on the ground knows that they are decoys, then if they human sources, the Yankees will not bomb them. But if our funk messages give hints of congregating shipping, I would expect the Allies to do what they can to strike at Rotterdam.”

“I will consider this,” Fagel said. “Thank you for your assistance.”

* * *

6 May 1932
The Reichstag,
Frankfurt-on-Main, German Holy Roman Empire

“Keep your wits about you,” Grossadmiral Gerard Huygens whispered, before they stepped into the conference room for the meeting that could decide the fate of the war. “The eagles are in flight.”

Admiral Erwin Gercke nodded as he followed Germany’s highest-ranking naval officer into the room. The chamber had the feel of a place where much argument had taken place. Underground and windowless, but with ample lighting around a large conference table.

A veritable host of men awaited in the chamber, though he did not know many of them. Chancellor Schulthess’ white-moustached, spectacled profile was familiar enough, although he had aged considerably since his last public photograph. He knew Hermann Müller, the Foreign Minister, and Wilhelm Moeller-Bruck, the Minister of War. There were four other civilians around the table whom Gercke could not recognise on sight, and several clerks sitting behind them.

He knew more of the military men present in the room. Prinz-Marshal Adolf Ernst of Schaumburg-Lippe, head of the Deutschleger, would have been distinguished by his broad-jawed profile if he had not been festooned with medals and ermine. Gercke knew enough to look beyond that fanciful appearance; the Prinz-Marshal had risen to his position through merit. He had two other marshals beside him, and an array of lesser officers behind.

Marshal Heinz Naumann, commander of the Luftmacht [1], was booming with laughter at some comment by one of his colleagues when Gercke walked in. Naumann looked like a normal-sized man who had been rolled through a printing press into someone tall and ill-proportioned, but his voice and laugh were always loud. He had other sky officers with him, a few whom Gercke knew, although not well.

“Now that everyone is here,” Chancellor Schulthess said, with his gaze lingering on Gercke and Huygens for a moment, “We may as well begin. As you no doubt realise, gentlemen, I’ve invited you here to hear your views on how best to bring Britain to her knees.”

Moeller-Brock said, “Throw the full weight of our armed forces against them, and they’ll crumble.” He spoke in the tones of one who has been advocating the same course for a while.

“Launch Jungeisen, you mean,” Grossadmiral Huygens said.

“Of course. Everything is in place, or will be within a few weeks,” Moeller-Brock said.

“The threat of invasion works best as just that: a threat,” said Müller. “Britain has come close to surrendering once already. They are running out of allies, and soon enough they will run out of courage. With us ruling the skies above their home islands, their capitulation is merely a matter of time.”

“We can’t wait forever,” Moeller-Brock replied. “We’ve booted the Jackals out of Europe, which is well and good. But I don’t trust what Russia will do if let ourselves get trapped in a long stalemate with England. They’ve already caused enough problems over Courland.”

Schulthess had been flicking his gaze between his two ministers like an umpire at a tennis match. “Your opinions have been noted, gentleman. I’d appreciate the insights of some of our military men. Prinz-Marshal?”

“If we can get enough men and machines across the North Sea and keep them supplied, we can defeat the British on their home soil,” Adolf Ernst said.

“We need the Krijgmarine to guarantee our supplies,” one of the other marshals added. Rather redundantly, Gercke thought.

“The only guarantee in war is that events will not turn out as planned,” Grossadmiral Huygens said coolly.

“Do you think that Jungeisen shouldn’t go ahead?” the Prinz-Marshal asked.

“It may work, but it is a gamble,” Huygens said.

“A pointless gamble,” Gercke heard himself add. When he realised he was the focus of everyone’s attention, he continued, “We can starve Britain into submission. Why risk what will be a very bloody attack even if it’s successful?”

“Britain will not surrender through starvation,” the Prinz-Marshal said, confidence dripping from his voice. “Our intelligence is clear on that point. They learned their lesson from their struggle with America.”

“We can’t bomb England into submission either,” said Marshal Naumann. “They struck our cities repeatedly – even if we haven’t returned the favour much. We didn’t give up. Neither will they, not from sky power alone. We’ve concentrated our efforts on military targets, but even a prostrate England will be loath to yield. We need to get soldiers ashore and defeat the English there.”

“It’s a pointless risk,” Gercke said. “Even if we defeat the Royal Navy, we will pay an immense price. In the last war, the English and Americans wrecked each others’ fleets, and kindly made the Krijgmarine the largest navy in the world. Do we want to return the favour for the Americans?” He tried to put aside his private thoughts about his career prospects in a navy which was a quarter of its former size, or however much would survive a great battle. “And even such a battle does not guarantee us any success in invading England. We will need to have everything go right, while they only need to have one thing go right.”

“Have we thrown away so many skycraft and pilots for nothing?” Naumann said. “My men have been fighting and dying over the skies of England while the Krijgmarine hides in port. If we don’t act quickly, it will have been for nothing. The English skycraft have withdrawn to the north, but we haven’t put the Royal Sky Force permanently out of commission. They will rebuild, and all of our sacrifices will have been in vain.”

“A fighter is much cheaper to replace than a battleship,” Gercke said quietly.

“A weapon which is never used is of no use, whether it’s a fighter or a battleship,” Naumann answered.

“We have a chance of winning, but a failure would cost us too much,” Gercke said. “Not just losses of ships and men, but it will invigorate English morale. They will be willing to stay in the war for years, as they did against the first Bonaparte.”

“Delaying a decisive blow will cost us too much, too,” Naumann said. “If we dally, our soldiers will wonder why they are being left to grow bored in port. Our civilian population will ask why we are prolonging the war, while rockets fall about our heads.”

Schulthess cleared his throat. “Gentleman, I think we have heard enough of these disagreements for now. Tell me what other alternatives there are besides Jungeisen, or if you think there are any refinements which should be made to that plan.”

After a few moments awkward silence, Grossadmiral Huygens said, “Jungeisen does not have any fundamental flaws which anyone has identified. It is the result of much careful planning. It has been well-resourced, includes the best technology we have available, and allows for what we know of the enemy’s resources and intentions. While our political strategy has required that we trade strategic surprise for moral advantage, I believe that it incorporates enough misdirection that we can still achieve tactical surprise. If there are any minor amendments which my colleagues can provide, I will ensure that they are given due consideration. But for today, I believe that there is little to add.”

Schulthess asked, “If we decide to delay Jungeisen, how quickly could it be restarted?”

“At least a month’s notice would be required,” Huygens said. “Quite likely more, depending on how long until the next full moon.”

Gercke added, “The later we leave it, the worse the weather will turn.”

“Are you now advocating that we proceed?” Naumann asked.

Gercke said, “I think that we should wait until next year. Give England a year of starvation and destruction from the skies, and they will be much more amenable to a negotiated surrender.”

“If we give them another year, their army will be much more prepared,” the Prinz-Marshal said. “The New Englanders have been bloodied in France and are still recovering. Give them a year, and they will have reorganised and brought more strength across from their homeland.”

“They’d better not, if the Krijgmarine is up to the job,” Naumann said.

Huygens said calmly, “We can intercept many of the ships coming from North America, but not all of them. The ocean is simply too vast.”

“The Yankees have lost much of their strength anyway,” one of the other army marshals said. “Much of their armour was built in Liberia, and they’ve lost that.”

“Give them a year, and they will retool more of their own factories,” Naumann said.

“And most likely keep much of their new strength close to home,” Foreign Minister Müller said. “Canada already troubles them, and they will be wary of what the Americans may do.”

“The Jackals have their hands full in Brazil and Chile,” Moeller-Brock said. “They won’t open yet another front by interfering in New England.”

“Never underestimate a vitalist’s paranoia, or a slaveholder’s foolhardiness,” Müller replied.

Schulthess said, “This meeting is straying from the topic. So far, all I have heard is that Jungeisen should go ahead, or it should be delayed. Are there any other options?”

The Prinz-Marshal said, “Not at the strategic level. Either we force a decisive confrontation with Britain, or we continue to attack them in the skies and on the seas in the hope that they will surrender. There is no third option.”

“Not military options, but a continued chokehold over Britain will make for auspicious conditions for renewed diplomacy in a few months,” Müller said. “Whereas a failed attack will invigorate the British for months or years to come.”

“We cannot allow this war to go on indefinitely,” Schulthess said. “But I have not yet heard enough to convince me that we must strike immediately, either. Grossadmiral, tell us frankly: what do you estimate to be our chances of success of this invasion if it proceeds as scheduled?”

“About sixty percent, assuming we get full cooperation from the Luftmacht,” Huygens said. “Even victory will come at a bloody price, however.”

Schulthess said, “Marshal Naumann?”

“The Royal Sky Force will come out in strength on the invasion day,” Naumann said. “But we have the advantage in numbers and technology. We will defeat them on that day, and we will have several weeks of sky supremacy. We will strike at enemy artillery, disrupt troop movements and bombard fortified positions. Whether that is enough for victory is up to our colleagues on the ground.”

“Prinz-Marshal?” Schulthess asked.

“I do not like the chances of survival for any soldiers who come ashore in the first wave,” Adolf Ernst said, his tone dry. “But assuming that we retain control of the seas and sky, then I believe we can defeat the English on the ground within six months.”

Schulthess coughed. “So far, I’ve heard too many assumptions and not enough surety. I am not yet convinced, nor will it persuade Their Majesties. Continue with planning for Jungeisen for now, but I make no guarantees that I will authorise its launch.”

“There’re no guarantees that morale will hold up if we delay,” Naumann said.

“I have heard your objections already,” Schulthess said, his tone cool. “But the final decision is mine, not yours. Thank you, gentlemen. That will be all.”

* * *

12 May 1932
Hamburg and Frankfurt, Germany

The ringing phone woke Gercke, eventually. He murmured to his wife to go back to sleep, then answered it groggily. “Gercke here.”

“You need to get to the Luftfeld immediately. A skycraft is waiting to take you to Frankfurt.”

“What’s the emergency, Hans?”

“You’ll find out when you get there. The Chancellor wants to speak with you.”

A blurry period of time later, Gercke stood before Chancellor Schulthess. He knew he looked bad; he had taken only the minimum amount of time to freshen up before leaving Hamburg. But then, Schulthess did not look much better.

“Thank you for your promptness, Admiral,” the Chancellor said. “Have you been told why you were ordered here?”

“No-one wanted to talk about it.”

“Good. We need to keep it out of the news for a few hours yet. Kaiser Willem is dead.”

“Dead?” Gercke asked. Not the most eloquent of replies, perhaps, but the best he could manage in the circumstances.

“Killed in a rocket strike on Rotterdam. Which was aimed, as best we can tell, because the enemy found out he was visiting the ‘sailors’ there. Your suspicion about Yankee code-reading looks to be correct.”

“Kaiser Willem really went to visit dummy ships?” Gercke asked, feeling numb. He suspected that he would rue this for the rest of his life.

“He was never near the port facilities. But rockets are murderously inaccurate.”

“Grave as this news is, you can’t have summoned me here just to tell me that,” Gercke said.

“Indeed not. I need your advice. You are the voice most opposed to Jungeisen. If I am still to oppose it, I will need a reason,” Schulthess said.

“Still to oppose it? Why...?” Gercke’s voice trailed off as he realised the implications.

“Indeed. Crown Prince Willem – Kaiser Willem VI now– is enraged. He wants the invasion to go ahead immediately. So do the other Kaisers. So do most of the Diet. So will the German people, when they hear the news. Delaying Jungeisen now will be... difficult.”

That struck Gercke as a fine understatement. “We can’t let passion sway good judgement, Herr Chancellor. The problems with Jungeisen have not changed since yesterday.”

“Not at all? Surely knowing that the Yankees can read our codes can be put to some suitable misdirection.”

“No doubt we could trick them,” Gercke said. Indeed, one idea immediately sprang to mind. “But only once. Jungeisen requires too many things to go right.”

“Perhaps, but not launching it leaves the problem of what to do with Britain once the war is over,” Schulthess said.

“I don’t follow.”

The Chancellor said, “Now that the war is – mostly – over, what concerns me is about the future of Germany after the war. You don’t need me to tell you what Germany’s biggest threat will be then.” Schulthess gestured toward the east.

“Russia will be there regardless of what we do to England,” Gercke replied.

“Indeed. But if we allow Britain a negotiated surrender, will we be able to make them our friends again? Allies is too much, but if we can make them friends again afterward, well and good. What do you think, Admiral?”

Gercke had the ominous feeling that whatever answer he gave, he would regret if for the rest of his life. Eventually, he said, “I do not see how England will become our friends after this war, no matter how generous peace terms we offer them.”

Schulthess nodded. “If they receive Russian or American backing to be our enemies, they will be a thorn. We can strip much of their empire from them, but their Kingdoms will remain on their side. So, is it best to grind Britain into the dust, however bloody the price?”

Gercke waited for long thought before he answered. The Chancellor had looked much further ahead than him. “I don’t know if we can grind them into the dust by force of arms.”

“You may be underestimating the effects even of a failed invasion,” Schulthess said. “Regardless of whether Jungeisen succeeds or fails on the ground, do you think that the Krijgmarine can smash the Royal Navy?”

“At the price of making the US Navy the largest in the world, yes.”

“Forget the Americans. Their navy will be formidable in their home waters, but they will have no influence outside of their own continents. Not before we can rebuild the Krijgmarine, at least. But for Britain, would you think that they will come to terms with their navy gone?”

“I am no diplomat, but I understand that the biggest stumbling block is restrictions on the Royal Navy. If they have no navy to speak of, and if we can rebuild faster than them, then yes, perhaps we can negotiate a peace we can live with.”

“Thank you, Admiral,” Schulthess said. “Given our problems with communications, I will leave you to convey this message in person to the Grossadmiral: The invasion will go ahead. Use whatever subterfuges you can to mislead the British along the way.”

* * *

[1] The Luftmacht uses ranks which are directly equivalent to ranks within the German Army, rather than any separate titles.

* * *

Thoughts?

Jared

Saturday, March 15, 2008

Decades of Darkness #177: Chasing Rainbows

Credit for this post goes to Nicksplace27, who wrote most of it apart from a few editorial additions.

* * *

Taken from: “The Hofmeyrs: The Famous South African Family”
(c) 1953 by Thomas Joubert
Orbit Publishing Company: Bulawayo, South Africa

... The first Hofmeyr born on South African soil was Stephanus Johannes Hofmeyr, on 26 October 1760, to parents Jan and Magdela Hofmeyr who had recently arrived from Holland. Stephanus attended a small merchant school in southern Cape Town, went on to become a highly successful trader, and passed his wealth onto his descendants. Today, over 900 of his Hofmeyr descendants live in South Africa. They are among the most influential families in the nation: in politics, in commerce, in the military and in culture. Their history is rich and their achievements are many and celebrated; they are admired across the [Restored] Empire.

Still, the Hofmeyrs are a family with their share of controversy. Hendrik Hofmeyr was a famous Boer captain who personally slew many British officers during the Kingdom war. After Transvaal was conquered, Hendrik escaped to the United States and became a prominent cotton planter and slaveowner in South California [1]. Maria Hofmeyr became a notoriously outspoken critic of the British government over the terrible conditions of Boers forced into assembly camps. She was also an outspoken anarcho-socialist who advocated the destruction of all nation-states in the world, and proclaimed that government was evil in and of itself.

But for all of the controversy and power they possess, no member of that great family has attracted as much attention as the most respected and revered man in South Africa, the one who many regard as the country’s greatest-ever Prime Minister. That man is of course the great William Hofmeyr...

* * *

11 December 1931
Cape Town
Kingdom of South Africa

William Hofmeyr strolled into his house in the northern fringes of Cape Town, and plopped himself down into his comfortable and familiar chair. From here, he had a large panel of windows to look over his rustic estate and the cobalt-blue waters of the South Atlantic, brightly lit by the summer sun. He treasured a few moments of relaxation before he let his thoughts return to work; being the Prime Minister of South Africa was never an easy job, but this was doubly true in wartime.

At least he had hope. Unbidden memories returned of his tour of the whole nation. He had visited all of the important cities – Brisbane [Durban], Delegoa, Retief [Pretoria] and Bulawayo – meeting with local government officials and business representatives, and making plenty of speeches. But his most treasured memories of the tour were in the former German Mozambique. There, he had seen everyone fighting for the same cause; blacks, whites, Afrikaners and even Indians. It was a pleasant sight, and one which gave him some optimism for the future. Although he would have felt even better if the Liberians were still there to stand alongside them.

Given what he had seen throughout his tour, William had thanked God that he lived in a relatively peaceful country. He had seen the terrible effects which war brought on people and on nations. In his youth, he had been sent to college at Columbia University in New England. Soon after he had finished his second year there, Mr Mitchell started the North American War.

Always in love with the sea, William had served aboard the HMS Camperdown for most of the war. He had been on that battleship during the Battle of Long Island and during that fight, he had become a man. When the Camperdown took critical damage that would send it to the bottom of the Atlantic, William saved seven of his fellow seamen from certain death in the torpedo room. He received the Edward Cross [2] for his efforts in saving the men and leading them to safety in the face of blistering American firepower. The event had changed his life. He liked to think that it had given him the desire to serve others through leadership; it had certainly given him no shortage of sleepless nights.

“You look worried, Will.” The voice came from his brother Frederick, who had just walked into the room and smiled.

The words jolted William back from his reverie. He greeted his brother with a nod. They both respected each other for their achievements; Will in politics, Frederick in commerce. Frederick was named for his godfather, Frederick Morton, the great mining magnate who had been good friends with their father. Morton had taught the young Frederick everything he needed to know about business, especially how to win wealth from South Africa’s massive reserves of gold and diamonds. Morton had recently died without heirs, and Frederick had received most of his godfather’s wealth, along with control of the ever-growing Morton Industries [3].

“Don’t let yourself fret. We’re doing fine, just fine,” Frederick said. He sat down with an effortless grace that suggested that he was half his true age.

William shook his head in disgust. “Liberia has abandoned the war. Worse, they have turned their backs on democracy! Worse still, some African leaders I met in Bechuanaland and Maritzia are calling for a Greater Liberia! Duvalier has already helped the Kikuyu rebels; what if he helps those closer to his home? There were rumours of secession, too.” He asked himself how Liberia could have turned out so badly. He had visited the nation on many occasions, and he admired its accomplishments. Now, though, he wondered. Losing Liberia hurt the occupation of Mozambique, but what did the future hold now?

“Liberia has taken a step sideways, not started down a new road to barbarism.” Frederick spoke with the self-assurance of a man who controlled enough wealth to buy and sell nations. “I’ve met Duvalier as part of securing the diamond supply for Morton. The man knows what he’s about, but he’s no Mullins. Liberia will do well under his rule.”

Frederick paused, his gaze running out the windows toward the ocean. “As for the African leaders, well, they’ve been talking about a Greater Liberia for many years. And their claims get more outlandish each year. The truth is much simpler. The economy is booming in their lands, and more and more of their people are abandoning their old ways. They’ve stopped listening to their tribal leaders, and their allegiance is to you, King Jonathan and the Empire. That is why the African leaders are screaming, and it’s a problem which will sort itself out.”

“Maybe,” William said. “They aren’t the only ones making worrying claims, too. Vitalism is growing in Retief. That old Boer commander, Petrus Rietz, has an ever-growing number of followers. Half of his speeches sound like he’s reading from the Jackals phrasebooks! He and his faction care nothing for anyone else’s rights or opinions. It sickens me to see bigoted pigs like that who call themselves Afrikaners. I wish they’d just leave for America; the Jackals are welcome to them [4].”

Frederick chuckled. “Will, you’re a great politician, but you get alarmed too easily. These are fringe groups, who love to make noise about long-dead issues. Just focus on the war at hand. I think that’s what you’re really worried about.”

William held back a sigh. “We have just about run out of allies. Italy and France have fallen. The United States, Liberia and Portugal have abandoned the war, in truth. Britain has never looked more vulnerable. What will we do if the British will collapses?” With that, he finally admitted what was really bothering him.

“Regardless of what happens there, Europe is a long way away. You need to inspire unity here to continue the war. If you can’t bring all the people together, the war will be lost here, not in Europe.”

William could only nod. His party held only a third of the seats in Parliament. He had a wartime coalition, but it was a fragile one. If the war kept going so badly, he doubted that his government would survive a motion of no confidence. “I have a plan to unite everyone who’s important within Parliament and within the Kingdom. I think it’s a good one. But I’m staking my future on it. If I fail, it spells the end of everything I’ve worked for.”

* * *

Extract from: The Encyclopaedia Recidivus (3rd edition)
Editor-in-chief Lord Percy Kelvin III
(c) 1949 New Cambridge University Press
Sydney, Kingdom of Australia
Used with permission.

Ubuntu Coalition (South Africa):

A prominent ruling coalition within the South African government during recent times. It was created by Prime Minister William Hofmeyr on the basis of the humanist concept of Ubuntu [5]. The coalition was formed between January and March of 1932. Under Hofmeyr’s leadership, it remained together during the remainder of the Great War and the establishment of the Restored Empire. The coalition’s most noted accomplishments have been the introduction of full suffrage [i.e. African suffrage] in 1942 and the creation of a national system of highways linking the major cities of South Africa. While some parties have left and joined the coalition, it remained the effective government of South Africa for fifteen years until Hofmeyr’s death in 1947.

* * *

“Even as darkness encloses North America, the brave nations of South America fight on. Even as the home country is being bombarded from the skies, they battle on. This war is like nothing the world has ever seen. I’ll be damned if we let ourselves lie down in defeated. We have been blessed with an entire continent of separation between ourselves and the German tyranny. To bow before them now would be an act of true shame.

We must be a beacon of light and freedom in this age of darkness. Our nation is built from many cultures, many proudly different traditions, while our foes crush any people who oppose their monolithic nationalism. We must stand together with the rest of the Empire and say to them: ‘No more! No more!’ ”

-Prime Minister William Hofmeyr, in an address to the South African Parliament on 4 April 1932

* * *

Taken from: “Republics, Kingdoms and Theocracies: Governments in the Post-Colonial World”
(c) 1950 by Simon Bowhart
Horizon Publishing Company: Stirling [Perth, Western Australia], Australia

The current South African government was established in 1 January 1901, but it owed its structure to the events of the Kingdom War, which concluded seven years before. At its founding, the Kingdom included six provinces: the Cape, Natal, Transvaal, Orange Free State, Bechuanaland, and Maritzia [6]. Heavy contention ensued over the location of the new capital, but with divisions amongst the Afrikaner delegation, Cape Town received the honour. The constitution of South Africa is based on the same British parliamentary system that is emulated throughout the [Restored] Empire. South Africa has eleven provinces, which have representation allocated proportionately in parliament...

Population by Province

The Cape: 2,619,111
Natal: 1,821,081
Orange Free State: 1,050,623
Transvaal: 5,152,974
Bechuanaland: 700,418
Maritizia: 1,663,487
Zambezia: 928,050
Maputo: 1,120,665
South Mozambique: 825,519
North Mozambique: 717,926
Niassa: 910,540

Population by Race

Coloured: 9,575,505
White: 6,354,519
Indian: 1,029,319
Malay: 360,640
Filipino: 190,411

Total South African Population: 17,510,394

* * *

30 September 1948
Bulawayo, Maritzia
Kingdom of South Africa

His work finished for the afternoon, Jack Cousteau strolls out of the looming sandstone building that houses the regional headquarters of Morton Industries. He makes his way casually to the parking lot, donning his sunglasses as he reaches his horst. This new model is an open-air four-seater, perfect for his family and well-suited to his new job. As he turns on the ignition, the funk begins blaring some of the new Moroccan music that is all the rage amongst the Indian community. He turns the volume down; while he can tolerate the music, he prefers the quiet hum of the engine and the whistling wind. He has heard enough loud noise during the debates that have raged during the day. For now, he wants something quieter.

He turns onto the highway and heads south toward Retief. The journey is familiar enough that his thoughts wander away from the road and back to the events of the day. Cousteau relishes his new title of Director of Marketing, but the role brings with it an over-supply of pressure. Morton Industries is losing its market share of diamonds. Their Australian rivals have been producing a wealth of diamonds out of Northumberland [7] for a couple of decades, but their new mine at Macarthur [8] produces far too many gem diamonds. The Russians have been producing more diamonds of late, too. If Morton does not diversify its investments, its revenue will crumble. Which is why Cousteau’s job has become so important, and why he has become even busier of late. He is looking into every possible investment opportunity. Morton needs to diversify their holdings and find other revenue streams.

The role brings its perks, of course. He lives in a large house, almost a mansion, in one of Brisbane’s premier suburbs. The pay is excellent. His family are healthy, although his wife has been making some occasional comments about not seeing much of him. He makes a mental note to take Julia and the girls on a trip at the first opportunity. Somewhere north would be good, probably to the new national park created around the Okavango Delta, and Edward Falls [Victoria Falls], too. He has seen them before, although his family haven’t, and he has found them places of unsurpassed natural beauty.

All in all, life is looking good. It has not always been this way. Jack has the legal name of John Michael, but he was born Jean Michele Cousteau in Lyons. He was born in 1916, too late to remember much of the Golden Years which others speak of so fondly. His experiences of childhood are of life in a lower-class slum during the Nervous Twenties, when France-that-was lurched from one crisis to another. His worst memories of his childhood are of the war. His mother died when their house was struck by a stray artillery shell during the German invasion of the city, and his father was summarily shot on suspicion of harbouring partisans. The charge was not true, but it made libres of himself and his older brother. Lionel had taken a more active role in being a libre, which eventually saw him flee to Britain before the war was over. Jack last heard from his brother in a letter written before the Communards took control of London, although it reached him much later. He has to presume that Lionel is long dead, although he has never had the closure of a funeral or even being told that a body has been found.

His thoughts drift away from maudlin reminisces and back to the present as he passes through the small city of Messina, and crosses the Limpopo into Transvaal. The waters are brownish-blue beneath the bridge, but the campaign signs above the bridge capture more of his attention. The largest of them is a colour photo of Adrian Kotuku with a smile so wide it is a puzzle why his jaw has not fallen off. Kotuku leads the Progressive Party, and is the first realistic prospect for a black Prime Minister. He has the force of personality of an American tropican star, combined with a commanding grasp of rhetoric. His election would be a historic moment, but this campaign has been one of the most polarised in South African history.

Cousteau allows himself a smile as he passes the signs. Some praise Kotuku; others denounce him. It is as if the election can be divided into pro-Kotuku and anti-Kotuku factions; there is minimal mention of the other candidates or other parties. The divisions do not fall along racial lines either, as they might have a decade ago. Many leaders in the black establishment have condemned Kotuku, citing his position about politics in Liberia, Kenya and the Congo. Others have said that he has too little substance to his policies and is simply running on empty charisma. Some have even argued that he should not be considered truly black because he was not involved in the great struggle!

That’s a ludicrous concept from his point of view, but then he sometimes does not understand the native-born South Africans. He never cared very much about race, and the media reports of black soldiers fighting for France during the war long since eliminated any lingering traces. Of course, not all native-born South Africans can swallow those arguments, either. His wife, born Julia Modiba, openly laughs at the notion. His father-in-law Francis was slowly warming toward Kotuku too, saying that the establishment leaders were just perpetuating another form of racism. Paternalistic rather than sadistic like in America, but racism nonetheless. Jack has seen more paternalistic racism than he likes to think of in his own lifetime, a result of having one of the few mixed marriages [i.e. mixed race marriages] in his home suburb. Strange looks and whispers still happen today, and he hates it, but married life with Julia is something he could never do without.

The campaign signs grow thicker as he travels further south. Kotuku and his Progressives are the most numerous, but he sees wave after wave of signs for the Tories, the conservative party who linger in South Africa long after they have vanished from Britain. He even sees some proclaiming the KwaZulu Socialists, an extremist group who advocate expelling whites from Natal and Transvaal and redistributing the wealth back to what they call the African people.

He thinks they are fools; isn’t everyone here an African now, by birth or by choice? The KwaZulu have only a small base of support nationwide, but they do rather better in the volatile politics of Natal. At the last election, they pulled over ten percent of the vote in that province. He hopes they will do worse this time. Kotuku draws crowds in the tens of thousands even here, and his personal charisma should go some way to building support. Kotuku fights against naysayers on all sides, those who proclaim that a black candidate will never become the leader of South Africa. Cousteau hopes that Kotuku wins, but does not want to stake all his hopes on it. Disappointment is too bitter a commodity; he just has to make sure he gets out to vote when the day comes.

With an effort of will, he forgets about the campaign signs that are all around him. After one last turn on the highway, the skyline of Retief comes into view. This is the largest metropolis in South Africa, with over two and a half million inhabitants at last count. While there are several large buildings in the skyline, one massive cloudscraper towers above everything else. The Alhambra reaches over 250 metres into the blue expanse of the sky, its Arabic curvatures the vision of one of South Africa’s most influential architects, Abdul Ibrahim. The man’s distinctive style and influence appears in buildings all over the country, but this is surely his finest achievement.

Cousteau pulls into the exit land and turns off onto Dube Boulevard. The traffic here is divided by a central strip showing the statues of men fallen for their country, or for Britain-that-was. Here are the fallen volunteers who died in France and Britain, and the soldiers of the Kingdom who died in Mozambique and elsewhere in Africa. These are some of the members of the Greatest Generation, who fought in the bloodiest struggle the world has ever seen. The other members of that generation, including Jack himself, have received the fruits of their sacrifices. South Africa has boomed since the end of the war, and Morton Industries’ current troubles notwithstanding, he expects that the nation will keep growing.

He removes his sunglasses as he pulls into the underground horst parking beneath the Retief Stock Exchange, locate at a prime spot at 33 Dube Boulevard. This is one of the premier stock exchanges of the world, not quite on the same scale as those in Frankfurt or New Orleans, but still a major hub of financial activity. He pulls the file folder from his horst and hurries inside the biggest financial trading institution in all of Africa. He has a wide range of investments in mind, but the most promising ones are those involving new technologies. There’s an intriguing new firm out of Australia looking for funding for a technology they call inverse osmosis, which can extract fresh water from seawater. That could be worth billions. A Nipponese company has described a new form of all-purpose polymer [plastic] which could be worth even more. These two companies, and plenty of lesser opportunities, should be ripe for investment. They just need funding and an experienced commercial operator to guide them. Morton Industries can provide that.

He climbs the top of the stairs, and steps through into the future...

* * *

[1] This is in the region of OTL Baja California, where a small amount of cotton is grown today. ITTL, although it requires irrigation, this one region has one immense advantage as a cotton-growing region: the boll weevil has never reached there.

[2] The closest ATL equivalent to the Victoria Cross.

[3] Frederick Morton was an “enlightened” colonial leader who had a habit of pushing for colonial expansion as part of exploiting natural resources, along the line of Cecil Rhodes (see posts #104a and b). Morton Industries is in some ways like De Beers of OTL, although it has other commercial interests and has not quite the same worldwide diamond monopoly of OTL, due to earlier exploitation of Australian diamonds.

[4] In OTL, many Americans were sympathetic to the Boer cause, because of the conflict’s resemblance to the American Civil War. Some state governments even offered to accept the Boers as immigrants. The Boer leaders declined, preferring their own home. ITTL, *America supports the Boers for significantly different reasons. Because of the different *American social structure and increased English settlement in South Africa, Boers have left South Africa for the United States in greatly increased numbers over OTL.

[5] This term originates from a Zulu saying, “Umuntu Ngumuntu Ngabantu.” This means that a person is a person through other people. The essence of the philosophy is that someone affirms their own humanity when they acknowledge that of others. It is a central philosophy in OTL’s African National Congress.

[6] More detail about the original founding of South Africa can be found in post #104b. At first South Africa included six provinces; five have since been added. The province of Maputo is located in the southernmost area of OTL Mozambique, including Delgola Bay. The province of Zamebizia includes OTL northern Zimbabwe and a small section of adjoining Mozambique, with is northern border on the River Zambezi. The province of South Mozambique is located in the central coastal regions of OTL Mozambique, and also has a northern border on the Zambezi. The province of Niassa is located on the shores of Lake Malawi, encompassing what in OTL is northern Malawi and eastern Zambia. The province of North Mozambique is located in the OTL region of southern Malawi and northern Mozambique to the River Lurio, south of the OTL border between Mozambique and Tanzania.

[7] The ATL name for the Argyle diamond mine in the Kimberly region of Australia. It produces a third of the world’s diamond supply by volume (less by value).

[8] The ATL equivalent of the Merlin diamond mine in Australia’s Northern Territory, which produces an unusually high proportion of gem-quality diamonds.

* * *

Thoughts?

Jared

Sunday, March 09, 2008

Decades of Darkness #176: Ride Through The Night

“This and no other is the root from which a tyrant springs; when he first appears he is a protector.”
- Plato

* * *

17 October 1929
Angoche, German Mozambique (Bouclier-occupied)

Evening had just come, and with it some relief from the humidity. Brigadier General Stenio Duvalier, commander of Liberian forces in occupied Mozambique, was used to heat, but he preferred the dryness of his adopted Liberia. In his long-distant youth in Haiti, this would have been considered a mild spring day, but his standards had changed since then.

“You’re looking much more morose than I’d expect for a man who’s just been told that his wife will be joining him,” Brigadier Johannes Hofmeyr said.

Duvalier shrugged. Hofmeyr was a decent man, for all that he was a descendent of Afrikaners. Hofmeyr and Duvalier had got on well since they had both been assigned to the conquest of German Mozambique. As a result, Hofmeyr had been turned into the unofficial liaison officer between South African and Liberian forces, although unlike Duvalier, he was not the senior officer in his nation’s part of the invasion force. But for all of that, there were some things which a white man could never truly understand.

“I’m glad that our high command has recognised that German Mozambique is no longer dangerous territory, and that it’s safe to bring our spouses here. But how could anyone feel comfortable when their nation has just let the devil join their war?”

Hofmeyr said, “The Americans are bastards, no two ways about it, but I’d rather have them fighting on our side than fighting against us.”

“The Jackals are more than just bastards,” Duvalier said. They destroyed my homeland, and still keep tens of millions of my brothers and sisters in bondage. Given the chance, they would do the same to my new home, too. Forgive me if I’m not welcoming of them.”

“Oh, I don’t like the Americans any more than you do,” Hofmeyr said. Duvalier wondered about the sincerity of any white man who said that, but held his peace. Hofmeyr continued, “Still, imagine how much worse things would be if they had joined Germany. Our list of enemies is long enough as it is.”

“I’d rather the Jackals stayed out of the war entirely,” Duvalier said. “Theirs is a country of warhawks and racists. They call butchers like Fierro “generals” when they should be executing them as criminals. You’re old enough to remember the Kingdom War, which was bad enough, but the Jackals have done much worse. Do you want to see the fire-squads set loose across the world?”

Hofmeyr froze for a long moment. “No, I’d not like to see that. But there are other opportunities. The Americans are sending hundreds of thousands of men to France to fight the Germans. I hope that the battles are extremely bloody. Let the Germans and the Americans kill each other in mass numbers, and make the world a better place.”

That sentiment, at least, was one which Duvalier could agree with.

* * *

“Our march to freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear to stand in our way.”
- Liberian Major Stenio Duvalier, said while witnessing a demonstration of the new Shaka arlacs, 12 March 1921

* * *

25 June 1930
Saldanha [Pemba/Porto Amélia], German Mozambique (British-occupied)

It was a rare moment indeed which saw all of the senior Liberian officers who had been deployed to Mozambique gathered into one room. Security was not a particular concern; in truth, unlike nearby Madagascar, this territory had been almost entirely peaceful since the Bouclier forces liberated it. What political agitation there was came only for a call for the restoration of Portuguese rule, which Major General Stenio Duvalier found hard to credit, though it was undeniable. But while security did not keep the members of Liberia’s occupation force apart, the demands of the occupation did.

Still, they were here now. Brigadier General Gerard Hyppolite, another son of the Third Exodus who had risen to a general’s stars in his new homeland, although unlike Duvalier, Hyppolite had gone to the military academy rather than being promoted from the ranks. Also here were the four most senior colonels in the occupation force, Gerard Hyppolite, Dany Étienne, Julien Biassou and Abraham Lincoln Roye. Apart from Roye, all of them were sons of the Third Exodus, too, and again apart from Roye, they owed their current positions to the aegis of Duvalier himself. Yet he had not promoted them because of their ancestry, but because they represented the best talent he had seen. The army had a large number of former Haitians represented in its ranks, after all, and this had been true for the last two decades.

Apart from the rarity of gathering all of Liberia’s senior officers into one room, their choice of location was rather unusual. Saldanha was an inconsequential northern port; a conference of Liberians would have made much more sense much further south in Port Pungue [Beira], the administrative centre of occupation. But there were no South Africans of consequence in Saldanha, which was convenient to ensure that no-one got suspicious of this little gathering.

“Thank you for coming, gentlemen,” Duvalier said. “Most of you have expressed your concerns privately to me over the last few months, and I thought it would be appropriate for us to discuss whether we should send a formal protest to General Johnson [1] over what is happening in Mozambique.”

“Damn right we should,” Hyppolite said. “We came into Mozambique to free it from the Germans, but the way things are going, it’s just going to turn into another part of South Africa.”

“More white men trying to relegate black men to second-class citizens in our own continent,” Roye said. “We should be encouraging the locals to stand up for their independence.”

“I understand that there have been some actions along those lines,” Duvalier said, his tone dry. Despite political instructions for the occupation force to remain strictly apolitical, he had done everything he could to create a political consciousness for freedom for the Mozambicans. He had to ensure that they would not meekly submit to South African or British rule. That included enough arms caches that the Mozambicans could fight for their independence, if necessary. Of course, he knew better than to admit that last part openly, even to men he thought he trusted.

“If we had to join this war, we should have done so to end colonialism, not to replace it,” Étienne said. “All colonial powers are evil, in one way or another, even if some are worse than others. Why are we fighting in what is a war to replace one colonial power with another? Even if we do not help the United States directly, this is not our war.”

Biassou said, “Abyssinia has it right: stay out and let the white men kill each other.”

Duvalier said, “Neutrality would have been my preferred option, too, but do not let this be confused by issues of race. There are Africans fighting in the war in Europe.”

“It’s good to see the Black Fox remind the world that the Jackals’ claims about race are lies, but this still isn’t our war,” Biassou said.

“Not just the Black Fox,” Duvalier replied. “Even discounting Morocco, France and Britain both have Africans fighting for them in Europe.” Biassou should have known better than that; the British recruitment of soldiers from their equatorial colonies was relatively new, but the French had been recruiting soldiers from West Africa since the start of the war.

“If they’re dumb enough to volunteer for a war in Europe, that’s their lookout,” Biassou said. “No race has a monopoly on stupidity, I suppose, but then we already knew that. The question is why we are in a war which gains us nothing and which helps the United States.”

Duvalier said, “I had substantial misgivings when I first heard of our involvement in this war, but also some hope that we could at least win freedom for the people of Mozambique. But we’re not going to win freedom for anyone here. If we could liberate German West Africa and turn that into a nation, I would see some point to continuing this war. But the Yankees have got there first, and they will not relinquish their grip.” He paused, then added, “Do any of you see any reason to continue our involvement in this war?”

Every other man in the room shook his head.

Duvalier said, “Who, then, will add their signatures to mine in a letter to General Johnson and the President, calling for our withdrawal from the war?”

Étienne said, “Though it cost me my career, I’ll do it.” Roye and Biassou added similar affirmations.

Hyppolite said, “I’ll sign the letter, but on one condition: it not be made public.”

“Small point to a private protest,” Duvalier said. “The President will just bin our letter then, even if General Johnson passes it on.”

“Our soldiers who serve here will feel betrayed if our grievances are made public,” Hyppolite said. “I care not for my own career, but I do care for their morale.”

Duvalier thought for a long moment. It went against his grain to back down on any issue, but Hyppolite had the right of it. “So be it. Our letter will not be made public. Not by me, anyway.” He help up a hand to forestall the other general’s reply. “No, that doesn’t mean that I’ll get someone else to release it. Just that I cannot prevent the President from leaking it, if he wants.”

Hyppolite nodded. “So be it, then. Let’s get our protest written.”

* * *

BRING OUR BOYS HOME
- The most popular banner carried by student protestors from Abraham Lincoln University during the demonstrations of November-December 1930

* * *

28 August 1930
Wilkinston [Walvis Bay, Namibia],
Republic of Greater Liberia

“Pleased to meet you, General,” Major General Stenio Duvalier said, extending a hand.

Major General William J. Donovan shook his hand. “Likewise, General.” With an equivalency in rank, even in different armies, there was no need to do anything more than shake hands.

“I’m honoured that you took the time to come from Europe to meet me,” Duvalier said, more or less truthfully. He had expected any number of possible reactions to his protest letter, from indifference to court-martial, but not that New England would send an emissary out to personally plead with him to maintain his support for the war.

Donovan gave him a curious gaze. This Yankee cut a strange figure for a general. He wore the uniform, but he looked as if he would be more comfortable in civilian clothes. He had an oddly rounded face with a protruding nose, thin lips and narrow eyes. Not a face which someone would trust easily, especially belonging to a white man. But the man’s voice was pleasant enough. “You’ve stirred up a hornet’s nest, Stenio – do you mind if I call you Stenio, by the way? You’ve got soldiers and statesmen from four nations fretting over what you’ll do next.”

“What I won’t do next is trust General Johnson. He gave me his word that he would not share our protest with anyone except President Jamieson.”

Donovan waved a hand. “No soldier can make binding promises on behalf of a politician. Your president passed on the news of your concerns, although not the details, to his friends in Hartford, London, and Paris. They got worried, and so here I am.”

“They expect you to convince me that my government knows what it’s doing in committing us to this war?” Duvalier asked.

Donovan chuckled. “Any government can make mistakes, my own among them. I learnt that in Wisconsin. But their reasons for their actions aren’t always straightforward.”

“Like the Jackals, joining the war for the oh-so-pure motive of defending France, only to turn it into a war of enslavement in South America?” Duvalier asked.

“America’s motives are more complex than that,” Donovan said. “But I care nothing for the United States. I’m here to explain why your government felt it necessary to join the war, and why we in New England are grateful that they have.”

“Because it means some of us to share the dying?” Duvalier said.

“Not at all. Your government’s involvement has been carefully chosen to cost you the minimum of bloodshed while still joining the war. Why do you think we haven’t asked for any of your soldiers to help us in France, even though we’re hard-pressed there?”

“You seem to be advancing well enough, if the newspapers do not lie,” Duvalier said.

Donovan smiled. “The gist of what they say is accurate. But there are still a God-awful lot of Germans. And Liberian troops are not going to be deployed anywhere outside of Africa, to ensure that they aren’t the ones dying in numbers.”

“So why enter the war at all, then?” Duvalier asked.

“One reason only: arlacs. We need your arlacs, and Liberia could hardly justify shipping them to us if your nation was still neutral.”

“That was the reason why we started this war?” Duvalier said, sure that his disbelief showed in his voice.

“The main one. Oh, there were others. Having your army around to help drive out the German colonial forces helped. But the biggest reason was to let you send arlacs to us in New England.”

Duvalier shook his head. “That has the sound of a well-crafted lie to me. Liberia joined the war before New England did.”

“Indeed, but that was so that you could strike Mozambique at once. New England could not join the war unless we could be assured that the United States would not be attacking us. The intention always was that Liberia would supply most of our arlacs.”

“So we have to be trapped in Mozambique watching the Afrikaners try to take over that country?” Duvalier asked.

Donovan sighed. “South Africa would have gone into Mozambique with or without you. At least if your men are there, they have a chance to do something to keep the Mozambicans free.”

“Not very much, with our own government constraining our actions,” Duvalier said.

“Take up that point with your president, if you like,” Donovan said. “But by keeping Liberia in the war, you are helping to defeat Germany at relatively little cost.”

“And fighting alongside the United States,” Duvalier said.

Donovan said, “The Americans would be in South America regardless of what Liberia did. You are not helping them, nor are you hindering them. What you should be asking is what’s best for Liberia.”

“That’s what’s been on my mind for many months now,” Duvalier said. “But you have given me much to think about. Did you come out to Liberia just to meet me?”

“Not just that. I’m here to investigate new designs for arlacs, too. I’d welcome any thoughts you have on them, as well,” Donovan said.

Duvalier laughed. “Plenty, I think.” They settled down to discuss the finer points of arlacs, though Duvalier was still far from convinced by Donovan’s earlier arguments.

* * *

“Condemn me, it does not matter: history will absolve me.”
- Major General Stenio Duvalier, 1931

* * *

16 December 1930
Wilkinston [Walvis Bay, Namibia],
Republic of Greater Liberia

For the first time, President Morris Jamieson found himself face to face with the most troublesome soldier of his generation. Duvalier had shown that he had military talent, and plenty of it, or he would long since have been cashiered. But he also was a man convinced of the rightness of his own beliefs and with the determination to act as he saw best. Now, that self-righteousness had caused a breach which would be impossible to repair.

“Sit down, General,” Jamieson said, without offering to shake hands or exchange any other pleasantries.

Major General Stenio Duvalier seemed to catch his tone, too. His gaze flicked to the two armed guards who stood to either side of him. “I was told that these men were for security, but it looks like they’re for your security, not mine. Do you really think that I’d attack my own president?”

“Nothing seems to be beyond you if you put your mind to it, Duvalier. Have you been told why you are here?”

“General Johnson was spent the last hour haranguing me about it,” Duvalier said.

“You’re lucky that’s all he did. An agent of yours has been captured smuggling arms to rebels in British East Africa,” the president said. “His confession leaves no room for doubt... and how many more of your agents haven’t we captured?”

Duvalier said nothing.

“Do you have any reasons for treason and creating an international incident?” the president said.

“I am no traitor,” Duvalier said. “I swore to defend Liberia against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and I will uphold that oath until my dying breath. But I never swore to stand by and be happy about Africans being slaughtered by white men.”

“So you admit to ordering gun-running to rebels?” the president asked.

“I did not order it, but I am glad that it was done,” Duvalier said.

“You’re glad to see our allies busy fighting rebels instead of the Germans?” the president asked.

“The British are persecuting the Kikuyu in the highlands of East Africa, and you call them our allies? British soldiers are standing by while white men massacre Africans in their thousands, and then condemn the Kikuyu as butchers when they try to defend their lands?”

President Jamieson shook his head. “Don’t try to change the subject. I want an honest answer from you. Why did you order your agents to send guns and mortars to the rebels in the highlands?”

“As I said, Mr President, I deny giving any such order. But I have a question for you. How can you call the British our allies, when they do something like this?”

“They are our allies. Your treasonous actions have given guns to men who will use them to shoot at British soldiers. This has caused a huge diplomatic strain, and the only small mercy is that the news has not become public,” the president said.

“Is it treason to give civilians the chance to defend themselves against other civilians? It is not the British soldiers who are killing the Kikuyu. For all that I dislike the British, their soldiers have behaved as soldiers should. It is their colonists in the highlands who massacre Africans.”

“And it is the Kikuyu who are killing British civilians when they can catch them, too. Neither side is blameless in what is happening in East Africa,” the president said stiffly.

“It is the fault of the British, who are supposedly our allies. Compared to them, what have the Germans ever done to us? They are not well-disposed to Africans, but then the British are worse, as we’ve now seen.”

“We entered this war because if we were not on the British side, the South Africans would have seized the excuse to attack us,” the president said, more defensively than he had planned. “We need to be British allies, or they will become our enemies. Do you think I like fighting on the same side as the Americans? But much as I detest it, it is necessary. And for all that you proclaim for the Kikuyu, you don’t know who started the killing in East Africa. No-one knows for sure; both sides blame the other.”

“If the British had not colonised the highlands and started stealing their lands, the Kikuyu would never have needed to defend themselves. Justice is on the side of the Kikuyu regardless of who struck first,” Duvalier said firmly.

“I’m sure the Herero and Nama your soldiers killed in the Kalahari would proclaim that they had justice on their side, too. But you had no qualms about killing those who would not submit to Liberian rule.”

“That is quite different, Mr President,” Duvalier said. “The Herero were offered full citizenship and all the rights of Liberians, and rejected them. The white men in the East African highlands will not treat the Kikuyu as equals. They want to grind them into the dust. That is why they are forced to defend themselves.”

“We would have been in a position to defend them, if not for your ill-conceived treason,” the president said. “I spent the last three months negotiating with London to have our soldiers replace the British in East Africa. We had nearly reached agreement. It would have worked; our presence would have calmed the Kikuyu, and the British could have recalled their soldiers to Europe where they are needed more. Now, they will never trust us.”

“The British would never agree to that,” Duvalier said calmly. “Had they signed any accord?”

“Not yet.”

“And they wouldn’t. Their colonists in the highlands are almost as bigoted as Americans. Their settlers would refuse to accept Liberian troops deployed there, since they would accuse us of siding with the Kikuyu.”

“Ah, so along with being an expert at committing treason, you are also a master diplomat. I’m glad to know that-”

“That is the fourth time you have called me a traitor in this meeting, Mr President,” Duvalier interrupted. “Either withdraw the accusation or have me brought before a court-martial. I have no patience for hearing anything else.”

“You have no patience at all, Duvalier; that’s your entire problem,” the president said. “Maybe you did not give a direct order for the gun-running, but you’ve already admitted that you approve of it. This is conduct unbecoming of a sworn officer of Liberia.”

“My military oath does not forbid me from holding opinions,” Duvalier said. “But I have done nothing treasonous. If you believe otherwise, give me a hearing before a court-martial. I will be glad to defend myself.”

The president shook his head. “I don’t want this incident to get any bigger.” For Duvalier to be so emphatic about wanting a court-martial could only mean that he had a defence prepared. No doubt he had arranged for the gun-running to happen in one form or another, but it looked like it would be difficult to prove it. “What do you want me to do with you, Duvalier? I cannot keep you on active service any more, not after this.”

“Dismiss me from the army if you want,” Duvalier said. “I’ll be sure to tell Liberia and the world why you’ve done it, too.”

“That will be quite enough, General. No, you aren’t going to be dismissed from the army. But I’m recalling you from frontline service. You will have an administrative post right here in Wilkinston, where I can keep an eye on you. I don’t trust you on the frontier with Portugal or South Africa; I wouldn’t put it past you to create another international incident. Nor are you to discuss any aspect of this incident with the media.”

“The world will hear about East Africa anyway, Mr President. Even if I stay silent, there are plenty of people who know what’s happening there.”

“I’ll deal with that when it happens,” the president said. “And try not to cause me any more headaches, will you?”

* * *

“We know what happens to people who stay in the middle of the road. They get run down.”
- Attributed to Stenio Duvalier

* * *

Extracts from “The Rise and Fall of The Liberian Republic: Struggle, Sorrow, Triumph, Growth and Tragedy”
(c) 1974 by Sergey Tolstoy,
Translated by Richard H. Morris,
Red Truth Publishing Company: St. Petersburg, Russian Federation,

... Notable demonstrations against Liberian involvement in the Great War had been held in the streets of Wilkinston on three occasions in 1929 and 1930. Each of these occasions corresponded to end of semester examinations for university students, which accounted for a considerable number of the protestors. These were not the only demonstrators, particularly during November-December 1930; the general Liberian population grew increasingly frustrated with the war, particularly over co-belligerence with the United States. Yet students made up the bulk of the protestors in these demonstrations, and calm returned to the streets of Wilkinston along with the end of the examination period.

The protests which began on 12 March 1931 drew on the same underlying frustrations, but found a new trigger. The previous day, Jorge Chepe, editor of the Wilkinston Chronicle, defied government censorship to publish a story describing the Kikuyu uprising in what was then British East Africa (now Kenya). The article condemned the “massacres of innocent Africans by British settlers,” although it did admit that British soldiers had done what they could to prevent further bloodshed. Regardless of that admission, the news brought a fresh round of demonstrations to the streets of Wilkinston. They started around the British embassy, where soldiers had to be deployed to protect the diplomatic personnel inside, but the protests soon spread across Wilkinston and to other cities. At first, the calls were for withdrawal from the war, but they soon spread to calls for the impeachment of President Jamieson and the removal of the government...

* * *

19 June 1931
Lenfield Jail, Wilkinston, Liberia

Jorge Chepe had received few visitors since his incarceration for speaking the truth. Tens of thousands wanted to see him, surely, but only relatives and the occasional close friend were permitted. He was even denied anything but the briefest contact with other prisoners.

So finding a two-star general waiting for him in a private meeting room was a shock. The soldier who had escorted him closed the door and waited outside.

“I’m Major General Stenio Duvalier,” the general said.

“Ah, the hero who risked his career to aid the Kikuyu,” Chepe said. “Not here to gloat, then.”

“Just to give you some advance warning. You’re going to be released tonight.”

Chepe felt his eyes widen. “I’d been told in no uncertain terms that I was going to stay in prison until the war was over.”

“There’s been some changes in the officers controlling this prison,” Duvalier said. “The new chief warden feels that you’ve been unjustly imprisoned, and he’s going to let you go.”

“Back onto the streets, just like that?”

“Back onto the rather dangerous streets, yes,” Duvalier said. “You probably haven’t heard, given where you are, but the people are unhappy with the government. Demonstrators have been encamped outside the Capitol for a couple of months. There’ve been riots more than once, and many of the police have been reluctant to restore order.”

“Good. They still have consciences, then,” Chepe said. “And what is the army doing?”

“Protecting key government buildings, but the troops aren’t very happy about it. Nor are they happy about being in a war which we’re losing. Italy’s capitulated, and the French and Yankees are being pushed back.”

“I’ll find out more when I get released, I hope,” Chepe said.

“I hope you do, too,” Duvalier said. “And I suspect that your reappearance will inspire the people to new demonstrations. I think you should take your message of opposition to the war straight to the Houses of Congress. Right into the buildings, in fact. The president won’t listen; maybe Congress will.”

“Into the buildings?” Chepe asked, then realised just what Duvalier was saying. “Into buildings protected by the army?”

“The soldiers on duty tomorrow will not fire on you. On that, you have my word,” Duvalier said. He sounded sincere, and given what the man had already accomplished, Chepe was prepared to trust him.

* * *

20 June 1931
Wilkinston, Liberia

By the time he realised that the soldiers were no longer protecting him, President Morris Jamieson knew that it was too late to do anything about it. There was an underground tunnel out of the Black House, but there were soldiers guarding it. If they were part of this treason, then going into the tunnel would just make it easier for them to arrange an accident. Better to stay here than run, since he had nowhere to run to.

To Jamieson’s complete lack of surprise, Duvalier was one of the two men first through the door to his office. He did not recognise the other, but the important thing to notice was the pistol which Duvalier held up.

“Mr Jamieson, you may consider yourself under arrest,” Duvalier said.

“Oh, you marched your soldiers into Congress and got them to vote for impeachment, did you?” the president said.

“No. All of the members of Congress have resigned. I’m arresting you in the name of the people of Liberia.”

“Ah. The epitome of democracy, then: one man, one gun.”

“Spare me your irony,” Duvalier said. “Just raise your hands and come over here. Slowly.”

“I see that my words to you at our last meeting were correct, even if a little premature,” Jamieson said. “You are a traitor.”

“No, I am a patriot. The people retain the revolutionary right to remove a government which has made itself a tyranny,” Duvalier said quietly. “It happened in the United States once, before they turned to evil, and then again in New England. It will happen here, too. We are removing your government, and replacing it with a just one.”

“Making yourself dictator, you mean. You won’t take anything less than full power for yourself, Duvalier.”

“Better a government run by a man who speaks out for his conscience rather than one who forgot that he needed one,” Duvalier said.

“And what will you do with Liberia now?” the ex-president asked.

“Recalling all Liberian forces back to home soil... on the grounds that they are needed to maintain internal security,” Duvalier said. “Then I’ll withdraw us from the war and proclaim neutrality. And after that, well, I’ll do everything I need to do to set this country back to rights.”

* * *

[1] i.e. General of the Army Timothy Pickering Johnson.

* * *

Thoughts?

Jared

Wednesday, February 27, 2008

Decades of Darkness #175: Above Us Only Sky

Credit for this post goes to Robert Conley, who wrote most of this apart from the opening and closing sections, and a few editorial additions.

* * *

“What a bugger.”
- Scottish pilot Anthony Balnaves, after becoming the first Allied pilot to be shot down by a German Blitzcraft, 16 September 1931

* * *

Excerpts from: “The Future Born: A Technological History of the Great War”
(c) 1949 by Ronald Bunton
Eagle Eye Publishing, Richmond [Brisbane], Kingdom of Australia

The modern Blitzcraft originated in the early 1910s with the caelunautic [1] research conducted by Dr Louis Leiden of the Luftreich Werke (Imperial Sky Works) [2]. The first skyframes were powered by Goddard style rockets until 1920, when the first usable flame [jet] engines were developed. Budget cutbacks during the early 1920s meant that none of the prototypes moved into production. The added cost of short range and high fuel consumption meant that financers would not back the construction of a new generation of skycraft.

Despite the limitations on production, the Luftreich Werke continued research efforts under the direction of Dr Johann Schwartz. This program focused on the use of wind tunnels and scale models, and in 1926 achieved a breakthrough with the first practical Blitzcraft design. The experiments predicted a model which could reach 1.2 times the speed of sound, and could fly faster and higher than any known skycraft at comparable range and weapon load.

While there was widespread skepticism in some research and government circles, the rising international tensions of the 1920s provided Schwartz’s team with their opportunity. In 1927, the German War Ministry authorised the development of the LZW-100...

* * *

19 September 1929
Kummersdorf, Germany

The funk [radio] waves crackled the pilot’s words, but they could still be understood. “We are at sixty percent power.”

Dr Johan Schwartz leaned over the microphone, and spoke as clearly as he could. He was not about to let six months of planning be ruined due to miscommunication. “Very well. Proceed with eighty percent.”

“Ja, Control, moving throttle to eighty percent power,” the pilot affirmed.

The low murmur of technicians disturbed the silence in the room, and Schwartz held up a hand. Quiet returned quickly, as it always did when he gave a command. Until the funk crackled to life again.

The pilot said, “We are at eighty percent power... experiencing near-sound speed turbulence.”

All as expected, but Schwartz’s shoulders still tensed. Today was about to become a historic triumph... or an expensive catastrophe. “Very well, you are to proceed to full throttle. I say again, throttle to one hundred percent.”

“Ja, Control,” the pilot repeated. Zimmermann was his name, or so Schwartz thought. He found people hard to keep track of; numbers were much easier. Easier just to think of him as the pilot. Probably-Zimmermann said, “There’s some buffeting of the controls here, but... nothing I can’t manage. Moving the throttle to one hundred percent.”

The second hand ticked away, and then a loud boom sounded from outside. Schwartz stood up and looked out of the window at the sky. The other members of his team broke out into excited chatter. This time, he didn’t stop them. History was being made today. The world would remember his name, and the pilot’s name too – even if Schwartz couldn’t – but the rest of them would be forgotten. Let them have this moment of talk.

The funk crackled to life again. “Control, this if Flight L-204. We’ve done it!”

“Report your status,” Schwartz said crisply.

“Looks like my airspeed is about 1.2 times the sound limit. Just as we thought. There’s no buffeting. Control is good. I repeat, control is good.”

Schwartz sat back down again, and sighed with relief. The room erupted into cheers, which he let proceed for a few moments before motioning for quiet again. “We’ll remember this day, but for now we have the rest of the test to proceed with. Especially the landing.”

* * *

Excerpts from: “The Future Born: A Technological History of the Great War”
(c) 1949 by Ronald Bunton
Eagle Eye Publishing, Richmond [Brisbane], Kingdom of Australia

American research and investment in caelunautics was haphazard for a long time. Despite their performance in the North American War, for the rest of the decade skycraft were considered a sideshow by the budget planners within the U.S. Army. It took a series of highly-publicised loses in sky races in Europe before any U.S. government agencies started funding serious skycraft development. Most American expertise in caelunautical engineering originated in the various skymen putting on sky carnivals.

After several scandals involving fraudulent companies and contracts, the United States government established the American Commission on Caelunautics in 1919. Its stated purpose was to supervise the research and development of skycraft. The first commissioner, Hugh Carroll, proved to have lack talent for both rhetoric and achievement, and was not reappointed after his first term. Only with the appointment of Andrew Morrell as second commissioner in 1921 did caelunautical engineering in the United States finally find a firm foundation.

Despite the tight economic conditions of the early 1920s, Commissioner Morrell induced the U.S. Congress to authorise the necessary funding. In this he was aided by the spectacular appeal of some skycraft achievements. With political astuteness, he spread the various sponsored facilities across the country, which ensured that he had a group of Congressmen who backed caelunautical funding.

The most important of these facilities was the Lake Marie Proving Grounds [3] on the border of North and South California. Here, the first rocket-powered manned skycraft, the R-1 Eagle, made its first flight.

* * *

Taken from: “Rockets: The Wave of the Future”
(c) 1953 by John Banning
Ashbury Publishing
New York City, New England

Reports of the first flights of German blitzcraft caused great consternation in the ACC. With similar political astuteness to his predecessor, Commissioner Sewell appealed to President Porter’s vision of creating a “Fortress America” [4]. Thanks to some well-articulated visions of LZW-100s streaking through the skies above Columbia, the president authorised the development of a skycraft to counter the enemy blitzcraft. The result was the R-1 Eagle. It used the extensive American experience with rocket-powered skycraft to develop an interceptor capable of engaging the LZW-100.

The R-1 included several design innovations. It was the first delta-wing skycraft, and the precursor of more modern designs which incorporate that configuration. Due to the perceived need to bring a model into production quickly, it was a deliberately simple design which was designed to do one thing extremely well. The R-1’s single function was to intercept and shoot down high-speed blitzcraft as they crossed into American-controlled airspace. It had an extremely limited range of 25 miles. The R-1 was simply constructed around two license-built Goddard B-2s that permitted it to reach a maximum speed of 700 mph. This came at the price of extremely low fuel capacity; the Eagle was designed to glide back to base.

Testing the early models of the R-1 was not a career which would allow its pilots to purchase life insurance. The early R-1s had several design problems, including a tendency to bounce back into the air on landing and then crash. The R1-C model overcame these problems. It was a highly manoeuvrable craft and virtually unable to stall or spin. Pilots declared the R-1C a dream craft to fly, and its twin 2-inch Dallas cannons gave it enough firepower to shred any enemy skycraft.

Production of the R-1C began in 1930, and the first operational squadron formed late in the year. It was one of the few American skycraft deployed to Europe in any numbers, since its highly specialised capacity was useless in the South American theatre. In the midst of its deployment, France capitulated and the Eagle squadrons were diverted to Aragon. The first modern battles of the sky were fought over the Pyrenees, as German blitzcraft fought with American rocket-craft. The appearance of the Eagle gave a nasty shock to German LZW-100 pilots who had considered their skycraft the fastest in the world. The American withdrawal from Europe brought an abrupt end to these sky duels, but they were a harbinger of modern flight...

* * *

Excerpts from: “The Future Born: A Technological History of the Great War”
(c) 1949 by Ronald Bunton
Eagle Eye Publishing, Richmond [Brisbane], Kingdom of Australia

By the late 1920s, Goddard Rockets was one of New England’s largest munitions companies. Most of its production and research were focused on military applications, but it had a small, well-funded division devoted to meteorological research. Thanks to Coleman Carnegie’s brilliance, this division investigated and developed liquid-fuelled rockets.

Carnegie achieved a breakthrough with the LC series of liquid-fuelled rockets. The LA and LB series were all one-off models that could not be scaled up a larger size a payload, due to problems with combustion instability. With the LC series, Carnegie developed reliable medium thrusters and then clustered them together firing in a large engine bell. With this new design concept, Carnegie developed increasingly larger rockets which pushed higher into the atmosphere. The third of these models, the LC-3, reached 100 miles high. It also took a photo which was to become one of the most famous of the twentieth century...

* * *

Taken from: “Going to the Moon”
(c) 1973 by Dr. Anton Leonov
Moscow University
Moscow, Russian Federation
English Translation by Arthur Fleming

There are many examples of where a single letter to the right person changed the course of history. The first of these is lost in the mists of time, probably written on a clay tablet lost at the bottom of the Euphrates. However, we can be sure of the first photo which changed history. This is Carnegie’s notorious “Darkness over North America,” which was taken from a meteorology camera mounted on the fourth launch of an LC-3 rocket.

This photo marked the first time that people glimpsed the Earth from space. The fourth LC-3 was launched from Gabarus Bay [5] in the early morning, and flew over the Atlantic. When it reached its greatest height, it shot a dozen photos. One of these was of outstanding quality, and was quickly christened “Darkness over North America.” Taken looking westward, the photo depicts the beginnings of a clear day over the entirety of contiguous New England. Like a razor’s edge, the terminator lay across the border with the United States. It showed New England bathed in light, and the United States swathed in darkness.

When the payload was recovered, the Darkness photo was immediately sent to Henry Goddard. He recognised that the stark imagery could be used for his company’s benefit. He had Carnegie draft a letter to President Mullins and enclosed a copy of the photo. Mullins referred it to the Secretary of War James Ingersoll and Chief of Procurement [6] Henry Oliphant. They were quick to recognise his wishes, and with the cooperation of Secretary of Public Relations Terry Rundle [7], the path was cleared for the Astor-5 and its dramatic debut.

* * *

Taken from a letter written by Coleman Carnegie to President Shane Mullins
Dated 20 August 1927

Mr. President,

I believe that you should be aware of several important developments in the field of rocketry. These advances could provide you with the means to secure the future of New England, and win global recognition for Yankee ingenuity and technical brilliance.

Since the first skycraft launched into the clouds, man has strapped on the wings of Icarus and turned the traverse of the heavens into an everyday occurrence. Every year, skycraft go a little farther and faster. When armed with the weapons of war, they contribute for New England’s defence on land and at sea. Yet there are fundamental limits imposed by their engines. Like us, they need oxygen to perform and air to function.

Rockets provide the opportunity to transcend these limits. Rockets provide their own oxygen in the form of an oxidizer. When combined with fuel, this allows rockets to reach where skycraft cannot function. They can travel faster and give the power to punch through steel. To date, rockets have been limited in their size and range, due to the inability of building a large engine safely.

It is my pleasure to inform you that these limitations no longer exist. We at Goddard Rockets have developed the technology to combine a series of small engines to function as a single large engine. With enough time and funding, we can now build and safely launch a rocket of any size. What was once the realm of theory is now just a matter of engineering.

These new rockets offer immense benefits for New England. They will be invaluable to our nation’s defence. No longer are we limited by the strength of a steel barrel; we can throw any size shell any distance we need. We can affix rockets to manned craft that are airtight and send people vast distances at incredible speeds. We can use cameras affixed to rockets to take photographs of anywhere in the world.

The possibilities of our discovery are limitless, but like any great discovery, we must explore the way to the greatest deeds. At the suggestion of my company’s president, Henry Goddard, I have affixed an outline of practical options which can be achieved within the next five years. In particular, I would draw your attention to a rocket design which can deliver a one-ton explosive shell over a distance of several hundred miles, and at a speed which defies interception by any skycraft.

As an illustration of our breakthrough, I have enclosed a photograph from one our test rockets. It was taken at a height of one hundred miles, and demonstrates the capabilities of our new technology.

Coleman Carnegie.
Chief Research Director
Goddard Rocket Company
Meteorology and Ice Division

* * *

Excerpts from: “The Future Born: A Technological History of the Great War”
(c) 1949 by Ronald Bunton
Eagle Eye Publishing, Richmond [Brisbane], Kingdom of Australia

President Mullins approved the Astor program in the spring of 1928. Under the direction of the brilliant Coleman Carnegie, the Astor-4 [8] was developed as a test bed for the new rocket system. After several successful experimental launches, production moved onto the Astor-5. The first test launch of this rocket was in July 1929. Even then, it took five launches before the accomplishment of a complete test flight. Flight #5 travelled 210 miles from Gabarus Bay, reaching a maximum height of more than 50 miles into the sky. After this first successful flight, Goddard Rockets began a series of operational tests to examine various launching techniques and to improve accuracy...

Despite a variety of ingenious attempts, the early designers were limited by the lack of funk guidance techniques. Their most accurate flights were achieved through clock mechanisms and accelerometers. Even with the best engineering available at the time, the Astor-5 could only be expected to land within a 3000-foot radius in optimum conditions. Rocket advocates argued that mass attacks would overcome the accuracy limitations.

Production of the Astor-5 began in April 1931 and was accelerated after the fall of France. Batteries of Astor-5s were started to be shipping in significant quantities by early 1932. The first Astor raids were launched against targets in Germany in early March 1932 from mobile launchers. Raids became more frequent over the next two months, targeted against ports and rail junctions. Despite growing German sky superiority over Britain, Astor mobile launchers were almost impossible to detect and intercept.

While dramatic, most historians agree that the Astor raids had little effect on the course of the war. Their only major military success came in the raid on Antwerp on 18 April 1932, where by good luck they destroyed several ships moored there as part of the invasion fleet for Operation Jungeisen. Their most notable propaganda success came in the following month...

Regardless of their lack of direct military success, the Astor raids diverted German sky power away from British skyfields and other military targets and into a fruitless search for the Astor launchers. Certainly, their greatest effect is in the field of publicity. Mullins’ release of the “Darkness over North America” photo was the first stage in this process. Along with the accomplishments of the LZW-100 and the R-1 Eagle, the Astor program helped to fuel interest in caelunautical research and space exploration in the post-war world...

* * *

Taken from a speech by Shane Mullins, timed to coincide with the first Astor raids on 12 March 1932

On this day, the world has changed. On this day, Yankee ingenuity has triumphed. German soldiers have already tasted the power of our rockets, where we can deliver death from the heavens to those who would oppose New England. But all that we have done before has been only the first step!

New England’s armies possess a new weapon. The Astor-5 is a rocket like no other. It can strike at targets over three hundred miles distant, and bring death to Germany which thinks it is safe behind the Channel. Against our new weapon, there is no defence. Germany’s fastest skycraft can do nothing to reach it. We can aim it where we will, and strike at whatever targets we choose. Our rockets are ready, and we will use them!

No matter what Schulthess may bluster, he cannot hide from the truth. Germany has used every method of warfare they have against us, and we have responded in kind. The weapons that we use are the sign of our inventive genius, and our unbreakable will. We will not be forced into surrender! We will stand firm, and we will use every weapon at our command. Our rockets will strike at German soil every day until they abandon this war they have started, and cease their futile threats against New England and our staunch ally, Britain.

* * *

[1] Caelunautic is the ATL English equivalent of aeronautic, derived from Latin caelum, “sky.”

[2] Literally, this would be Imperial Air Works, but ATL anglophone authors tend to render the German word Luft (air) into the more familiar “sky.”

[3] Lake Marie is OTL’s Dry Lake Rogers, i.e. Edwards Air Force base.

[4] Amidst the rising international tensions of the 1920s, President Porter began his first term in office pledging to create a “Fortress America safe from the ravages of the world.” This policy would eventually quietly be abandoned even before the breakout of war in Europe.

[5] Garbarus Bay is a southward-facing bay in Nova Scotia.

[6] Chief of Procurement is one of those wonderfully vague titles given to Vitalists who are outside the elected government structure of New England. As Chief of Procurement, Oliphant gets a considerable say into which companies are allocated which projects.

[7] i.e. the Cabinet member in charge of Vitalist propaganda.

[8] The earlier LC-1, -2 and -3 have been retroactively renamed as Astor-1, -2 and -3. The Astor program was named for Jacob Astor, who was the leader of the fusion party of United Democrats until his death. Mullins took over that party after Astor’s death and reshaped it as the Vitalists, but he is still inclined to make some placatory gestures to his predecessor. Especially since Astor is safely dead and thus any honour which accrues to him from the move does not threat Mullins’ own position.

* * *

Thoughts?

Jared

Sunday, February 03, 2008

Decades of Darkness #174a: The Truth of an Omen

“So many arguments have raged about where we went wrong. Everyone says that the world would have been better if we had acted differently in the past. It’s a truism that the world would be different if we had acted differently. As to whether the world would have been better or worse, well, God only knows. But people seem to be putting the blame in the wrong place.

Most people say we should never have allied with Germany in the Second Napoleonic Wars. There, I disagree with them. If we hadn’t gone in with Germany at the start, we would have been even worse off. Either the Axis would have won, in which case they would have turned on us next, or the Germans would have won without us. If they had done that, they could have picked whatever they wanted, and been even stronger. Even if we came in on Germany’s side at the last minute, the result would have been the same.

No, the problem was the Boer War. We did what we thought was right, but who could have expected how that struggle would turn Germany against us? We did not try to start that war. But events were decided on the ground; South Africa is where the rot began. A few over-eager imperialists in the Cape ended up dictating policy for Britain. Of course the government of the day thought that they had to intervene. They had the best interests of the Empire at heart, or so they thought. Instead, they had just laid the first paving stone on the road to hell.”

- Neville Wood, last Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, in his memoirs “Good Intentions,” written during the final days of his imprisonment

* * *

“Britain, you stand alone. Your allies have fallen or fled back across the seas. The armies of the Reich and its friends and allies are triumphant across Europe. We have driven out your soldiers and your skycraft. You have no further hope in this war. If we must, our forces stand ready to cross the Channel and bring the war to your home soil.

I would prefer not to bring about such ruin. An armada awaits on the Continent, needing only my command to bring death to your cities from sea and sky. If I need to give the word, then I shall do so. But I would prefer a just peace. Abandon this futile war which you cannot win, and we will have peace.”

- Reichs Chancellor Edmund Schulthess, from a speech delivered by funk after the signing of the Treaty of Madrid, 14 February 1932

“A lie repeated a thousand times does not make it truth. And the truth is that Schulthess began this war with lies, and he continues to be the master of falsehoods. Britain still has allies across the sea. Our Empire is united in defiance of tyranny. Our compatriots have already stripped Germany’s overseas colonies from her, and they have reassured us of their support. New England stands with us against German oppression.

The truth is that even if Britain stood alone, we still would not yield. Britain fought alone against the first Napoleon and against the Spanish, and we were victorious. Our defences are strong; our people are courageous. We will not bow down to tyrants. We will not accept a “just peace” – as just as you offered France?”

- British Prime Minister Neville Wood’s reply to Edmund Schulthess, delivered through a spokesman (Clement Churchill) because Wood stated that he was ‘not on speaking terms’ with Schulthess, 17 February 1932

* * *

17 February 1932
Skyfield Delta Two
England, United Kingdom

Flight Lieutenant Daniel Kelvin finished running through the pre-flight checklist of his Thunderer twin-engine bomber, and gave his flight engineer Nick Harris a quick nod. “Ready to go?”

“Looks good,” Harris said.

Kelvin taxied the bomber into position, then took off a few moments after the bomber ahead of him. For now, he didn’t need to check with the navigator about the bearing to follow. The last light of the sun still shone out of the western horizon, which let him see the bombers ahead of him. That would be gone in a few minutes, and then their navigation would be at the mercy of the navigator’s skills.

The cabin was quiet for a time, as below them the ground turned to waves, with faint reflections of red-orange sunlight from their tops. The waters of the English Channel awaited them if something went wrong with the Thunderer now, and beyond that only the soil of occupied France.

“Hope nothing goes wrong with the craft,” Harris muttered, after a while.

“Wouldn’t be ideal,” Kelvin said, with as much dryness as he could muster. For this raid, the Thunderers were operating at the limits of their range. If everything went right, then they would have enough fuel to reach their target, drop their bombs where the Guides had dropped their flares, then turn around and come straight home with a fifteen or twenty minute window to find a friendly skyfield to land on. If anything went wrong, then they ended up dead or prisoners of war.

“She’ll be right, though,” Harris said, in a bad imitation of an Australian accent.

Kelvin shrugged, which was rather pointless in the darkness. Harris was a good man underneath, but he was British through and through. Britain was the country with the dagger being held at its throat, not Australia. While the British were glad to have Kelvin and a few of his countrymen here to help, they sometimes showed some underlying resentment. Australia’s involvement in the war was much more successful, or so they thought. They were probably right, too. Inchon had been a stunning success, and the newspapers spoke of Russia trapped in an endless quagmire in China. Of course, the same newspapers had also insisted that the Allied forces on the Continent were inflicting devastating losses on the Germans in Paris, then in Chartres, then in Alencon, Laval and Rennes. So he settled for saying, “Frankfurt, here we come.”

* * *

“Britain prefers to bomb civilians than it does to negotiate. So be it. Germany will fight to the finish.”

- Schulthess to Wood, 18 February 1932

* * *

19 May 1953
Hobson University, Eden [Auckland, New Zealand]
Kingdom of Australia

Associate Professor Adrian Disraeli says, “Until recently, most historians and virtually all laymen had taken at face value the public exchanges between Germany and Britain in February 1932. It is one of the most enduring myths of the Great War that both Britain and Germany were fully committed to a fight to the finish.

“Certainly, the public statements on both sides favoured unyielding defiance. Both governments wished to maintain military and civilian morale. Rumours of a negotiated peace might reduce the willingness of the population to continue the war. Even after the war, it suited no government’s purposes to admit that there had been back-channel dealings between the two nations. Neville Wood mentioned them in his memoirs, but they were expurgated by his publishers, and have only recently been restored in the third edition. Similarly, none of the post-war German official histories of the war mentioned any informal negotiations with Britain. While some historians had long suspected their existence, the details of the negotiations only came to light with the posthumous publication of Hermann Müller’s autobiography.

“Thanks to several sources, we now know that informal British proposals for a negotiated surrender began almost as soon as the German-American ceasefire. The British ambassador in Geneva made contact with his German counterpart to discuss peace terms, and the King of Sweden was also approached to act as a mediator.

“Yet the potential for a negotiated peace was minimal. The German government had spent the last two and a half years condemning the British as the instigator of the war, as a betrayer of alliances, and thanks to British bombing raids, as murderers of civilians and burners of babies. The German parliament and especially the German public expected extremely harsh peace terms to be imposed on Britain. Schulthess himself is reported to have believed that the minimum acceptable peace was one which left Britain ‘never again a threat to Germany.’

“From the British perspective, their military position was dire, at least as bad as it had been during the height of the First Napoleonic Wars. Most of their allies had been defeated or abandoned them, except for New England. The Royal Navy was outnumbered by its German counterpart, and a massive army waited on the other side of the North Sea. Still, Britain’s position was not entirely hopeless. Successful amphibious assaults have always been difficult, especially with British and New England armed forces massed for a response. Without German troops on British soil, Germany could not impose a peace as harsh as would be imposed on Italy.

“The peace terms which Germany offered were a stark demonstration of the difficulties in reaching a negotiated peace. Schulthess listed what he believed to be harsh but acceptable terms. Britain was to sever its remaining imperial ties with the Kingdoms. Bharat, the Christian Philippines, Malaya, and Kenya were to be granted independence, while Germany would acquire Britain’s other African possessions, the Arabian colonies, Palestine, Burma, North Borneo, the Muslim Philippines and British China. The Royal Navy was to be scrapped [1], but Britain would be guaranteed free trade with nations throughout the world.

“The British Cabinet were prepared to consider many of these terms, but they were unanimous in rejecting any peace which included limitations on the Royal Navy. Neville Wood is reported to have remarked, ‘If we do that, five years from now the Germans will land soldiers on our soil, and we’ll be powerless to stop them.’ Any restrictions on the Royal Navy were considered tantamount to unconditional surrender.

“The informal negotiations continued through most of January, but the essential positions of both sides did not change. New England also remained in the fight, since Mullins is reported to have believed that he had little to lose and much to gain. So reluctantly, both sides stayed in the war...”

* * *

Taken from: “The Battle of England”
(c) 1948 by Friedrich Ebert
Imperial Press: Berlin, German Reich
Translated by Cyril Washbrook

At the start of 1932, the world had been engulfed by two and a half years of the bloodiest warfare it has ever seen. A war started by English and Italian meddling had spread to become a conflict which involved nations on every inhabited continent on the globe. Armies were mobilised and civilian populations turned to military production on a scale unp